Everything about Cisjordanie totally explained
The
West Bank (,
Hagadah Hamaaravit), also referred to in
Israel as
"Judea and Samaria", is a
landlocked territory on the west bank of the
Jordan River in the
Middle East. To the west, north, and south the West Bank shares borders with Israel. To the east, across the Jordan River, lies the country of Jordan. The West Bank also contains a significant coast line along the western bank of the
Dead Sea. Since
1967 most of the West Bank has been under
Israeli military occupation.
Prior to the
First World War, the area now known as the West Bank was under
Ottoman rule as part of the province of Syria. In the 1920
San Remo conference, the victorious Allied powers allocated the area to the
British Mandate of Palestine. The
1948 Arab-Israeli War saw the establishment of
Israel in parts of the former Mandate, while the West Bank was captured and
annexed by
Jordan, who destroyed any existing Jewish villages. The
1949 Armistice Agreements defined its interim boundary. From 1948 until 1967, the area was
under Jordanian rule, and Jordan didn't officially relinquish its claim to the area until
1988. Jordan's claim was never recognized by the international community. The West Bank was captured by Israel during the
Six-Day War. With the exception of
East Jerusalem it wasn't annexed by
Israel. Most of the residents are
Arabs, although large numbers of
Israeli settlements have been built in the region.
Origin of the name
West Bank
The region didn't have a separate existence until 1948–9, when it was defined by the
Armistice Agreement between Israel and Jordan. The name "West Bank" was apparently first used by Jordanians at the time of their
annexation of the region, and has become the most common name used in
English and related languages. The term literally means 'the West bank of the river Jordan'; the Kingdom of Jordan being on the 'East bank' of this same river Jordan.
Cisjordan
The neo-
Latin name
Cisjordan or
Cis-Jordan (literally "on this side of the [River] Jordan") is the usual name in the
Romance languages and . The analogous
Transjordan has historically been used to designate the region now comprising the state of Jordan which lies on the "other side" of the
River Jordan. In English, the name
Cisjordan is also occasionally used to designate the entire region between the
Jordan River and the
Mediterranean Sea, particularly in the historical context of the British Mandate and earlier times. The use of
Cisjordan to refer to the smaller region discussed in this article is rare in English; the name
West Bank is standard usage for this geo-political entity. For the low-lying area immediately west of the Jordan, the name
Jordan Valley is used instead.
Political terminology
Israelis refer to the region either as a unit: "The West Bank" (
Hebrew: "ha-Gada ha-Ma'aravit" "הגדה המערבית"), or as two units:
Judea and Samaria (Hebrew: "Yehuda" "יהודה", "Shomron" "שומרון"), after the two biblical kingdoms (the southern
Kingdom of Judah and the northern
Kingdom of Israel — the capital of which was, for a time, in the town of Samaria). The name
Judea and Samaria has been in continual use by Jews as well as various others since
biblical times.
The Arab world and especially the
Palestinians strongly object to the terms
Judea and
Samaria, the use of which they deem to reflect Israeli expansionist aims. Instead, they refer to the area as "the occupied West Bank of the
Jordan River"
(External Link
), emphasizing that the area is under Israeli military control and jurisdiction (see "
occupied Palestinian territories").
History
The territory now known as the West Bank was a part of the
British Mandate of Palestine entrusted to the
United Kingdom by the
League of Nations after
World War I. The terms of the Mandate called for the creation in Palestine of a Jewish national home without prejudicing the civil and religious rights of the non-Jewish population of Palestine
.
The current border of the West Bank wasn't a dividing line of any sort during the Mandate period, but rather
the armistice line between the forces of the neighboring kingdom of Jordan and those of Israel at the close of the
1948 Arab-Israeli War. When the United Nations General Assembly voted in 1947 to
partition Palestine into a Jewish State, an Arab State, and an
internationally-administered enclave of Jerusalem, a more broad region of the modern-day West Bank was assigned to the Arab State. The West Bank was controlled by
Iraqi and
Jordanian forces at the end of the 1948 War and the area was annexed by Jordan in 1950 but this annexation was recognized only by the
United Kingdom (
Pakistan is often, but apparently falsely, assumed to have recognized it also).
During the 1950s, there was a significant
influx of Palestinian refugees and violence together with
Israeli reprisal raids across the Green Line.
In May of 1967 Egypt ordered out U.N. peacekeeping troops and re-militarized the
Sinai peninsula, and blockaded the
straits of Tiran. Fearing an Egyptian attack, the government of
Levi Eshkol attempted to restrict any confrontation to Egypt alone. In particular it did whatever it could to avoid fighting Jordan. However, "carried along by a powerful current of Arab nationalism", on May 30, 1967
King Hussein flew to Egypt and signed a mutual defense treaty in which the two countries agreed to consider "any armed attack on either state or its forces as an attack on both". Fearing an imminent Egyptian attack, on June 5, the Israel Defense Forces launched a pre-emptive attack on Egypt which began what came to be known as the
Six Day War.
Jordan soon began shelling targets in west Jerusalem,
Netanya, and the outskirts of
Tel Aviv. Despite this, Israel sent a message promising not to initiate any action against Jordan if it stayed out of the war. Hussein replied that it was too late, "
the die was cast".
Uzi Narkis made a number of proposals for military action, including the capture of
Latrun, but the cabinet turned him down. The Israeli military only commenced action after
Government House was captured, which was seen as a threat to the security of Jerusalem. On June 6 Dayan encircled the city, but, fearing damage to holy places and having to fight in built-up areas, he ordered his troops not to go in. However, upon hearing that the U.N. was about to declare a ceasefire, he changed his mind, and without cabinet clearance, decided to take the city. After fierce fighting with Jordanian troops in and around the Jerusalem area, Israel captured the Old City on
June 7.
No specific decision had been made to capture any other territories controlled by Jordan. After the Old City was captured, Dayan told his troops to dig in to hold it. When an armored brigade commander entered the West Bank on his own initiative, and stated that he could see
Jericho, Dayan ordered him back. However, when intelligence reports indicated that Hussein had withdrawn his forces across the Jordan river, Dayan ordered his troops to capture the West Bank. Over the next two days, the IDF swiftly captured the rest of the West Bank and blew up the Abdullah and Hussein Bridges over the Jordan, thereby severing the West Bank from the East. According to Narkis:
First, the Israeli government had no intention of capturing the West Bank. On the contrary, it was opposed to it. Second, there wasn't any provocation on the part of the IDF. Third, the rein was only loosened when a real threat to Jerusalem's security emerged. This is truly how things happened on June 5, although it's difficult to believe. The end result was something that no one had planned.
The
Arab League's
Khartoum conference in September declared continuing belligerency and was seen as a rejection of negotiation. In November, 1967,
UN Security Council Resolution 242 was unanimously adopted, calling for "the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East" to be achieved by "the application of both the following principles:" "Withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict" (see
semantic dispute) and: "Termination of all claims or states of belligerency" and respect for the right of every state in the area to live in peace within secure and recognised boundaries.
Egypt, Jordan, Israel and Lebanon entered into consultations with the UN Special representative over the implementation of 242. The text specifically didn't refer to the PLO or to any Palestinian representative because none was recognized at that time.
In 1988, Jordan ceded its claims to the West Bank to the
Palestine Liberation Organization, as "the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people."
(External Link) (External Link)
Administration
The 1993
Oslo Accords declared the final status of the West Bank to be subject to a forthcoming settlement between
Israel and the Palestinian leadership. Following these interim accords, Israel withdrew its military rule from some parts of the West Bank, which was divided into three areas:
| Area |
ontrol |
dministration |
of WB
land |
of WB
Palestinians |
| A |
Palestinian |
Palestinian |
17% |
55% |
| B |
Israeli |
Palestinian |
24% |
41% |
| C |
Israeli |
Israeli |
59% |
4% |
Area A comprises Palestinian towns, and some rural areas away from Israeli population centers in the north (between
Jenin,
Nablus,
Tubas, and
Tulkarm), the south (around
Hebron), and one in the center south of
Salfit. Area B adds other populated rural areas, many closer to the center of the West Bank. Area C contains all the
Israeli settlements, roads used to access the settlements, buffer zones (near settlements, roads, strategic areas, and Israel), and almost all of the
Jordan Valley and
Judean Desert.
Areas A and B are themselves divided among 227 separate areas (199 of which are smaller than ) that are separated from one another by Israeli-controlled Area C.
Areas A, B, and C cross the 11
Governorates used as administrative divisions by the
Palestinian National Authority and named after major cities.
While the vast majority of the Palestinian population lives in areas A and B, the vacant land available for construction in dozens of villages and towns across the West Bank is situated on the margins of the communities and defined as area C.
The
Palestinian Authority has full civil control in area A, area B is characterized by joint-administration between the
PA and
Israel, while area C is under full Israeli control. Israel maintains overall control over
Israeli settlements, roads, water, airspace, "external" security and borders for the entire territory
Demographics
The
Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics estimated that approximately 2.5 million
Palestinians live in the West Bank (including Israeli-annexed
East Jerusalem) at the end of
2006., though a recent study by the American-Israel Demographic Research Group disputes these figures (see
#Recent Developments). In December 2007, an official Census conducted by the Palestinian Authority found that the Palestinian population of the West Bank (including Israeli-annexed
East Jerusalem) was 2,345,000.
There are over 275,000
Israeli settlers living in the West Bank, as well as around 200,000 Israeli Jews living in Israeli-annexed
East Jerusalem. There are also small ethnic groups, such as the
Samaritans living in and around
Nablus, numbering in the hundreds or low thousands. Interactions between the two societies have generally declined following the Palestinian
Intifadas, though an economic relationship often exists between adjacent
Israeli and
Palestinian Arab villages.
As of
October 2007, around 23,000 Palestinians in the West Bank work in Israel every day with another 9,200 working in Israeli settlements. In addition, around 10,000 Palestinian traders from the West Bank are allowed to travel every day into Israel.
Approximately 30% of Palestinians living in the West Bank are
refugees or descendants of refugees from villages and towns located in what became Israel during the
1948 Arab-Israeli War (see
Palestinian exodus).
Recent Developments
A 2005 study concluded that the
Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) had overestimated the growth of the Palestinian population. According to the study, successive PCBS projections were extrapolated from flawed 1997 census data that counted residents living abroad, double counted residents of Jerusalem, and overestimated
birth rates and
net migration rate. The study placed the Arab population of the West Bank at only 1.41 Million, not including approximately 220,000 residents of East Jerusalem counted in
Israel's census.
Sergio DellaPergola, a demographer at the
Hebrew University of Jerusalem, criticized the authors of the study for misunderstanding basic principles of demography and of making multiple methodological errors that invalidated the results.
Significant population centers
| Center |
Population |
| Al-Bireh | 40,000
|
| Betar Illit | 29,355
|
| Bethlehem (Bayt Lahm) | 30,000
|
| Gush Etzion | 40,000
|
| Hebron (al-Halil) | 120,000
|
| Jericho (Ariha) | 25,000
|
| Jenin | 47,000
|
| Ma'ale Adummim | 33,259
|
| Modi'in Illit | 34,514
|
| Nablus | 135,000
|
| Qalqilyah | 40,000
|
| Ramallah | 23,000
|
| Tulkarm | 75,000
|
| Yattah | 42,000
|
Palestinian cities of
Nablus,
Ramallah,
al-Bireh,
Abu Dis,
Bethlehem,
Hebron and
Yattah are located as well as the
Israeli settlements of
Ariel,
Ma'ale Adumim and
Betar Illit. Ramallah, although relatively small in population compared to other major cities, serves as an economic and political center for the Palestinians.
Jenin in the extreme north of the West Bank is on the southern edge of the
Jezreel Valley.
Modi'in Illit,
Qalqilyah and
Tulkarm are in the low foothills adjacent to the
Israeli Coastal Plain, and
Jericho and
Tubas are situated in the
Jordan Valley, north of the
Dead Sea.
Transportation and communication
Roads
The West Bank has of roads, of which are paved.
In response to shootings by Palestinians, some highways, especially those leading to
Israeli settlements, are completely inaccessible to cars with Palestinian license plates, while many other roads are restricted only to public transportation and to Palestinians who have special permits from Israeli authorities
(External Link)(External Link) (External Link).
Due to numerous shooting
assaults
targeting Israeli vehicles, the
IDF bars Israelis from using most of the original roads in the West Bank. Israel's longstanding policy of separation-to-prevent-friction dictates the development of alternative highway systems for Israelis and Palestinian traffic.
Israel maintains about 500 checkpoints or roadblocks in the region.
(External Link).
As such, movement restrictions are also placed on main roads traditionally used by Palestinians to travel between cities, and such restrictions have been blamed for poverty and economic depression in the West Bank
(External Link). Since the beginning of 2005, there has been some amelioration of these restrictions. According to recent human rights reports, "Israel has made efforts to improve transport contiguity for Palestinians travelling in the West Bank. It has done this by constructing underpasses and bridges (28 of which have been constructed and 16 of which are planned) that link Palestinian areas separated from each other by Israeli settlements and bypass roads"
(External Link) and by removal of checkpoints and physical obstacles, or by not reacting to Palestinian removal or natural erosion of other obstacles. "The impact (of these actions) is most felt by the easing of movement between villages and between villages and the urban centres"
(External Link).
However, the obstacles encircling major Palestinian urban hubs, particularly Nablus and Hebron, have remained. In addition, the
IDF prohibits Israeli citizens from entering Palestinian-controlled land (Area A).
As of August 2007, a divided highway is currently under construction that will pass through the West Bank. The highway has a concrete wall dividing the two sides, one designated for Israeli vehicles, the other for Palestinian. The wall is designed to allow Palestinians to freely pass north-south through Israeli-held land.
Airports
The West Bank has three paved airports which are currently for military use only. Palestinians were previously able to use Israel's
Ben Gurion International Airport with permission; however, Israel has discontinued issuing such permits, and Palestinians wishing to travel must cross the land border to either
Jordan or
Egypt in order to use airports located in these countries
(External Link).
Telecom
As transportation between the Palestinian cities became very difficult, due to hundreds of Israeli military checkpoints on Palestinian roads, telephone and internet play more and more an important roll in the Palestinian daily life for communication.
The Israeli
Bezeq and Palestinian
PalTel Group telecommunication companies provide communication services in the West Bank.
The Palestinian mobile market was until 2007 monopolized by
Jawwal. As the number of internet users is increasing rapidly
(year 2005 160.000 users Numerous Palestine wide websites are growing to helping the Palestinians communicate and trade through the internet like:
News Agencies
Ma'an News
PNN
WAFA
Bethlehem News
Market
Sayarti for Used Cars in Palestine
Palestine Shop for Traditional Products
Tatreez for Palestinian Embroidery
Universities
see above
Radio and television
The
Palestinian Broadcasting Corporation broadcasts from an AM station in Ramallah on 675 kHz; numerous local privately owned stations are also in operation. Most Palestinian households have a radio and TV, and satellite dishes for receiving international coverage are widespread. Recently, PalTel announced and has begun implementing an initiative to provide ADSL broadband internet service to all households and businesses.
Israel's
cable television company
'HOT', satellite television provider (
DBS)
'Yes', AM & FM radio broadcast stations and public television broadcast stations all operate. Broadband internet service by Bezeq's ADSL and by the cable company are available as well.
Higher education
Before 1967 there were no universities in the West Bank (except for the Hebrew University in Jerusalem - see below). There were a few lesser institutions of higher education; for example,
An-Najah, which started as an elementary school in 1918 and became a community college in 1963. As the Jordanian government didn't allow the establishment of such universities in the West Bank, Palestinians could obtain degrees only by travelling abroad to places such as Jordan, Lebanon, or Europe.
After the region was captured by Israel in the
Six-Day War, several educational institutions began offering undergraduate courses, while others opened up as entirely new universities. In total, seven Universities have been commissioned in the West Bank since 1967:
Bethlehem University, a Roman Catholic institution partially funded by the Vatican, opened its doors in 1973 (External Link).
In 1975, Birzeit College (located in the town of Bir Zeit north of Ramallah) became Birzeit University after adding third- and fourth-year college-level programs (External Link).
An-Najah College in Nablus likewise became An-Najah National University in 1977 (External Link).
The Hebron University was established in 1980 (External Link)
Al-Quds University, whose founders had yearned to establish a university in Jerusalem since the early days of Jordanian rule, finally realized their goal in 1995 (External Link).
Also in 1995, after the signing of the Oslo Accords, the Arab American University—the only private university in the West Bank—was founded right outside of Zababdeh, with the purpose of providing courses according to the American system of education (External Link).
In 2005, the Israeli government recommended to upgrade the College of Judea and Samaria in Ariel to become a full fledged university (External Link). This move to create a university within an Israeli settlement has angered some Palestinians, although no official response was made by the Palestinian authority.
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, established in 1918, is one of Israel's oldest, largest, and most important institutes of higher learning and research. During the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, the leader of the Palestinian forces in Jerusalem, Abdul Kader Husseini, threatened that the Hadassah Hospital and the Hebrew University would be captured or destroyed "if the Jews continued to use them as bases for attacks". Medical convoys between the Yishuv-controlled section of Jerusalem and Mount Scopus were attacked since December 1947. After the Hadassah medical convoy massacre in 1948, which also included university staff, the Mount Scopus campus was cut off from the Jewish part of Jerusalem. After the War, the University was forced to relocate to a new campus in Givat Ram in western Jerusalem. After Israel captured East Jerusalem in the Six-Day War of June 1967, the University returned to its original campus in Mount Scopus.
Most universities in the West Bank have politically active student bodies, and elections of student council officers are normally along party affiliations. Although the establishment of the universities was initially allowed by the Israeli authorities, some were sporadically ordered closed by the Israeli Civil Administration during the 1970s and 1980s to prevent political activities and violence against the IDF. Some universities remained closed by military order for extended periods during years immediately preceding and following the first Palestinian Intifada, but have largely remained open since the signing of the Oslo Accords despite the advent of the Al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000.
The founding of Palestinian universities has greatly increased education levels among the population in the West Bank. According to a Birzeit University study, the percentage of Palestinians choosing local universities as opposed to foreign institutions has been steadily increasing; as of 1997, 41% of Palestinians with bachelor degrees had obtained them from Palestinian institutions (External Link). According to UNESCO, Palestinians are one of the most highly educated groups in the Middle East "despite often difficult circumstances" (External Link). The literacy rate among Palestinians in the West Bank (and Gaza) (89%) is third highest in the region after Israel (95%) and Jordan (90%) (External Link)(External Link) (External Link).
Status
Legal status
The West Bank is currently considered under international law to be, de jure, a territory not part of any state. The United Nations Security Council, the United Nations General Assembly, the International Court of Justice, and the International Committee of the Red Cross refer to it as occupied by Israel.
According to Alan Dowty, legally the status of the West Bank falls under the international law of belligerent occupation, as distinguished from nonbelligerent occupation that follows an armistice. This assumes the possibility of renewed fighting, and affords the occupier "broad leeway". The West Bank has a unique status in two respects; first, there's no precedent for a belligerent occupation lasting for more than a brief period, and second, that the West Bank wasn't part of a sovereign country before occupation — thus, in legal terms, there's no "reversioner" for the West Bank. This means that sovereignty of the West Bank is currently suspended, and, according to some, Israel, as the only successor state to the Palestine Mandate, has a status that "goes beyond that of military occupier alone."
The current status arises from the facts (see above reference) that Great Britain surrendered its mandate in 1948 and Jordan relinquished its claim in 1988. Since the area has never in modern times been an independent state, there's no "legitimate" claimant to the area other than the present occupier, which currently happens to be Israel.
Political positions
The future status of the West Bank, together with the Gaza Strip on the Mediterranean shore, has been the subject of negotiation between the Palestinians and Israelis, although the current Road Map for Peace, proposed by the "Quartet" comprising the United States, Russia, the European Union, and the United Nations, envisions an independent Palestinian state in these territories living side by side with Israel (see also proposals for a Palestinian state). However, the "Road Map" states that in the first phase, Palestinians must end all terror and attacks on Israel, whereas Israel must dismantle outposts. Since neither condition has been met since the Road Map was "accepted," by all sides, final negotiations have not yet begun on major political differences.
The Palestinian Authority believes that the West Bank ought to be a part of their sovereign nation, and that the presence of Israeli military control is a violation of their right to Palestinian Authority rule. The United Nations calls the West Bank and Gaza Strip Israeli-occupied (see Israeli-occupied territories). The United States State Department also refers to the territories as occupied. Many Israelis and their supporters prefer the term disputed territories, because they claim part of the territory for themselves, and state the land has not, in 2000 years, been sovereign.
Israel argues that its presence is justified because:
Israel's eastern border has never been defined by anyone;
The disputed territories have not been part of any state (Jordanian annexation was never officially recognized) since the time of the Ottoman Empire;
According to the Camp David Accords (1978) with Egypt, the 1994 agreement with Jordan and the Oslo Accords with the PLO, the final status of the territories would be fixed only when there was a permanent agreement between Israel and the Palestinians.
Palestinian public opinion opposes Israeli military and settler presence on the West Bank as a violation of their right to statehood and sovereignty. Israeli opinion is split into a number of views:
Complete or partial withdrawal from the West Bank in hopes of peaceful coexistence in separate states (sometimes called the "land for peace" position); (According to a 2003 poll 76% of Israelis support a peace agreement based on that principle).
Maintenance of a military presence in the West Bank to reduce Palestinian terrorism by deterrence or by armed intervention, while relinquishing some degree of political control;
Annexation of the West Bank while considering the Palestinian population as (for instance) citizens of Jordan with Israeli residence permit as per the Elon Peace Plan;
Annexation of the West Bank and assimilation of the Palestinian population to fully fledged Israeli citizens;
Transfer of the East Jerusalem Palestinian population (a 2002 poll at the height of the Al Aqsa intifada found 46% of Israelis favoring Palestinian transfer of Jerusalem residents; in 2005 two polls using a different methodology put the number at approximately 30%).
Annexation
Israel annexed the territory of East Jerusalem, and its Palestinian residents (if they should decline Israeli citizenship) have legal permanent residency status. Although permanent residents are permitted, if they wish, to receive Israeli citizenship if they meet certain conditions including swearing allegiance to the State and renouncing any other citizenship, most Palestinians didn't apply for Israeli citizenship for political reasons. There are various possible reasons as to why the West Bank hadn't been annexed to Israel after its capture in 1967. The government of Israel hasn't formally confirmed an official reason, however, historians and analysts have established a variety of such, most of them demographic. Among the most agreed upon:
Reluctance to award its citizenship to an overwhelming number of a potentially hostile population whose allies were sworn to the destruction of Israel
Fear that the population of non-Zionist Arabs would outnumber the Israelis, appeal to different political interests, and vote Israel out of existence; thus failing to maintain the concept and safety of a Jewish state
To ultimately exchange land for peace with neighbouring states Other legal scholars including Julius Stone, have argued that the settlements are legal under international law, on a number of different grounds. The Independent reported in March 2006 that immediately after the 1967 war Theodor Meron, legal counsel of Israel's Foreign Ministry advised Israeli ministers in a "top secret" memo that any policy of building settlements across occupied territories violated international law and would "contravene the explicit provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention". A contrasting opinion was held by Eugene Rostow, a former Dean of the Yale Law School and undersecretary of state for political affairs in the administration of U.S. President Lyndon Johnson, who wrote in 1991 that Israel has a right to have settlements in the West Bank under 1967's UN Security Council Resolution 242.
It is the policy of both Israel and the United States that the settlements don't violate international law, although the United States considers ongoing settlement activity to be "unhelpful" to the peace process. The European Union and the Arab League consider the settlements to be illegal. Israel also recognizes that some small settlements are "illegal" in the sense of being in violation of Israeli law.
In 2005 the United States ambassador to Israel, Dan Kurtzer, expressed U.S. support "for the retention by Israel of major Israeli population centres [inthe West Bank] as an outcome of negotiations", reflecting President Bush's statement a year earlier that a permanent peace treaty would have to reflect "demographic realities" on the West Bank.
The UN Security Council has issued several non-binding resolutions addressing the issue of the settlements. Typical of these is UN Security Council resolution 446 which states [the] practices of Israel in establishing settlements in the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967 have no legal validity, and it calls on Israel as the occupying Power, to abide scrupulously by the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention.
The Conference of High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention held in Geneva on 5 December, 2001 called upon "the Occupying Power to fully and effectively respect the Fourth Geneva Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and to refrain from perpetrating any violation of the Convention." The High Contracting Parties reaffirmed "the illegality of the settlements in the said territories and of the extension thereof."
On December 30, 2007, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert issued an order requiring approval by both the Israeli Prime Minister and Israeli Defense Minister of all settlement activities (including planning) in the West Bank.
West Bank barrier
The Israeli West Bank barrier is a physical barrier being constructed by Israel consisting of a network of fences with vehicle-barrier trenches surrounded by an on average wide exclusion area (90%) and up to high concrete walls (10%) (although in most areas the wall isn't nearly that high). It is located mainly within the West Bank, partly along the 1949 Armistice line, or "Green Line" between the West Bank and Israel. As of April 2006 the length of the barrier as approved by the Israeli government is 703 kilometers (436 miles) long. Approximately 58.4% has been constructed, 8.96% is under construction, and construction hasn't yet begun on 33% of the barrier. The space between the barrier and the green line is a closed military zone known as the Seam Zone, cutting off 8.5% of the West Bank and encompassing tens of villages and tens of thousands of Palestinians..
The barrier is a very controversial project. Supporters claim the barrier is a necessary tool protecting Israeli civilians from the Palestinian attacks that increased significantly during the al-Aqsa Intifada; it has helped reduce incidents of terrorism by 90% from 2002 to 2005; over a 96% reduction in terror attacks in the six years ending in 2007, though Israel's State Comptroller has acknowledged that most of the suicide bombers crossed into Israel through existing checkpoints (External Link). Its supporters claim that the onus is now on the Palestinian Authority to fight terrorism.
Opponents claim the barrier is an illegal attempt to annex Palestinian land under the guise of security, violates international law, has the intent or effect to pre-empt final status negotiations, and severely restricts Palestinians who live nearby, particularly their ability to travel freely within the West Bank and to access work in Israel, thereby undermining their economy. According to a 2007 World Bank report, the Israeli occupation of the West Bank has destroyed the Palestinian economy, in violation of the 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access. All major roads (with a total length of 700 km) are basically off-limits to Palestinians, making it impossible to do normal business. Economic recovery would reduce Palestinian dependence on international aid by one billion dollars per year.
Pro-settler opponents claim that the barrier is a sly attempt to artificially create a border that excludes the settlers, creating "facts on the ground" that justify the mass dismantlement of hundreds of settlements and displacement of over 100,000 Jews from the land they claim as their biblical homeland.
Further Information
Get more info on 'Cisjordanie'.
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